William Hague: Britain will have a global diplomatic network and the best diplomatic service in the world

William Hague is the Foreign Secretary.  Follow William on Twitter.

Last week the Foreign Affairs Select Committee published a report on the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. It praised the Department’s “impressive performance” representing the UK’s interests across the globe on a relatively small budget while arguing that the Foreign Office is underfunded.

I welcome the report and the implication that the Foreign Office would make good use of a larger budget. But this is simply not possible at a time when our country is facing huge economic pressures. The Foreign Office has to shoulder its share of the burden of reducing the deficit.

In any event it is not the size of the Foreign Office budget that matters, but what we do with it. Its budget will always be small compared to the expenditure needed to maintain our Armed Forces or the NHS.  The real value of the Foreign Office lies in the power of the ideas it develops and the unique connections it forges overseas.

William Hague: If reforms continue we are ready to build a new relationship with Burma

William Hague MP is the Foreign Secretary.

I have been a Member of Parliament for 23 years. For the vast majority of that time, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was prisoner in her own home; confined, guarded and separated from her family and the outside world. Throughout my whole political career she has been a potent symbol of hope and dignity in the face of injustice and oppression, a heroine to me and to countless other people around the world.

In 2010 she was finally freed, amid signs that the situation in Burma was at last changing for the better. Since then some political prisoners have been released, restrictions on the media and political parties have been eased and by-elections will be held in April this year. Aung San Suu Kyi herself has made the courageous decision to engage in political dialogue with a Government descended from the military regime that put her under arrest, and her party will run in the by-elections.

On Thursday I arrived in Burma. Until that point, no British Foreign Secretary had set foot in the country in over 50 years, for good reason. 

My visit was made possible by the changes now underway which - although it is only right to view them with caution at this early stage - offer the chance, if they are continued and entrenched, for Burma and her people to escape the tragedy of recent decades.

I went to meet the Government and opposition figures to gauge for myself what is happening on the ground and to encourage further reform. I met the President, Speaker of the Lower House and Foreign Minister, as well as leaders of ethnic groups, former political prisoners, and Aung San Suu Kyi and her Party, the National League for Democracy.

William Hague MP: We must act to stop Bosnia becoming a failed state

William Hague MP is Shadow Foreign Secretary.

Geography puts the Balkans at the margins of Europe; events place it at the continent’s heart. The wars of the 1990s were a stark reminder of this curse, as well as a warning to Europe that the events in its backyard could never be ignored. It is for this reason that after NATO’s intervention to stop the wars in Bosnia and Kosovo, the international community set itself the task of mentoring the war-torn region to recovery and eventual EU membership.

Yet more than a decade later, long term peace and stability in the Western Balkans remain elusive. I visited the region last week and found a discouraging picture, above all in Bosnia - Herzegovina, where waning international resolve, an apparent lack of EU direction and a visible shift of US priorities have left a political void open to local secessionists and outside interference.

Painstakingly rebuilt after Europe’s bloodiest war in fifty years, Bosnia has made some progress. It has joined NATO’s Partnership for Peace program and signed a Stabilization and Association Agreement with the European Union. Yet, as things stand, Bosnia is far from being a functioning and stable state.

Nationalist parties continue to exercise exclusive control over the two ethnic entities that make up Bosnia-Herzegovina: the Bosniak-Croat Federation and the entity of Republica Srpska. Officially they share the ambition of EU membership. However the leadership of the entity of Republika Srpska continues to insist on its autonomy and call for eventual secession from Bosnia-Herzegovina. At the same time Russia is providing these leaders with the oxygen of hard cash by snapping up their valuable assets. Russia bought three oil companies in Republika Srpska in 2007 alone and is also proposing to base a section of its Southern Stream pipeline there. Through such support, Moscow has revived the secessionism which many EU governments had hoped had gone for good but is instead smouldering, and could burst into flames.

William Hague MP and Andrew Mitchell MP: Preparing for the day after Mugabe

William Hague MP, Shadow Foreign Secretary, and Andrew Mitchell MP, Shadow Secretary of State for International Development, urge the international community to not squander the narrow window of opportunity that Mugabe's exit will create.

Four days after the presidential and parliamentary elections in Zimbabwe, its people still do not know who will lead their country.  By its own account, Mugabe’s ZANU-PF is just two seats ahead of the Opposition MDC in the parliamentary elections.  And in the contest for the Presidency, even despite the possibility of large scale voting fraud, it seems that Robert Mugabe has not secured victory.

But as Robert Mugabe contemplates his immediate future, it is clear that no course of action can make his rule infinite. There will be a day after Mugabe. His political demise could come swiftly or still be some way off, but the status quo has now been upset.

So while keeping up the pressure on the regime now, in the form of targeted EU sanctions and tough diplomacy, our strategy must comprehend the possibility of a dramatic change in Zimbabwe’s domestic politics.

The international community has a duty to prepare for that moment, to ensure that we can assist in the country’s difficult transition from authoritarian rule and economic and social collapse

William Hague MP: Darfur cannot afford another year of dithering from Brown and the UN

William Hague MP, Shadow Foreign Secretary, sets out the next steps that urgently need to be taken by the international community on Darfur.

On Tuesday, US Film Director Steve Spielberg resigned from his position as an adviser to the Beijing Olympics, helping re-focus the world’s attention on Darfur.

And re-focus we must. With problems in Kenya, Pakistan and Afghanistan, our planet has all too many urgent concerns. But we cannot turn a blind eye to what is going on in Darfur.

The scale of the crisis that has unfolded, and continues to unfold, in that part of the world is staggering. Over four million people are dependent on food aid. Over 200,000 have been killed. And in the past 10 months alone, more than 250,000 more Darfuris have fled their homes.

Ethnic cleansing, killings and rapes. We’ve been here before: in the Balkans and in Rwanda. We said never again – but it is happening all over again. The international community must now come together and bring an end to this killing.

In particular, Gordon Brown needs to treat this issue with the urgency it requires. This is a time for the British Prime Minister to show bold and decisive leadership. When he came to office, Gordon Brown pledged that Darfur would be at the top of his foreign policy priorities. And we were promised action and a determined effort with President Sarkozy to bring about the deployment of a robust international peacekeeping force and broker peace on the ground.

William Hague: We have a duty to speak out for those who don't have the freedom that we take for granted

William Hague, Shadow Foreign Secretary, marks International Human Rights Day and the publication of the Conservative Party Human Rights Commission's annual report by criticising the UNSC and EU's complacency on Burma and expressing his desire for human rights issues to be at the forefront of British foreign policy in the future.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights that was adopted on 10th December 1948 articulated the shared belief of 48 countries in establishing a set of universal principles to protect and advance the individual lives of the world’s humanity. It was a declaration of hope which drew its clarity and purpose through first-hand experience of the Second World War, an event where hatred and conflict had snatched human dignity from millions of people. Eleanor Roosevelt, who chaired the UN Human Rights Commission responsible for drafting the Declaration, and whose efforts were so crucial to its formation, captured this deep conviction when she said:

“This is what we hope human rights may mean to all peoples in the years to come”.

The rights laid out in 1948 were meant to be both enduring and all encompassing and became the inspiration behind a host of reforming initiatives throughout the 20th century, each of which sought to protect the same rights of the individual as the declaration had – economic, social, cultural, equality, political and civil – through changes in policy, law, and constitution.  This was undoubtedly to the benefit of whole generations of people across the world.  And the same unwavering beliefs in these rights can be seen in the forces that broke up apartheid in South Africa, and which ushered in the dawn of new democracies following the collapse of communism.

The explicit nature of the 1948 declaration makes it a useful measure with which we can judge the various systems and practices that occur in areas of our public and private lives.  This imparts a responsibility upon everyone to uphold these basic precepts, to watch carefully and act accordingly when the delicate balance that upholds them in our societies, is threatened.  Freedom, equality and justice can only be successfully achieved when fear and discrimination are defeated.  It is clear much of the human race exists under the shadow of conflict, oppressive regimes, ethnic tension, and poverty, starved of personal freedoms and denied the opportunity to build more open societies. Despite the optimism and anticipation that was felt on that historic day, fifty-nine years ago when the Declaration was adopted, human rights are sadly not a reality for many millions of people across the globe from Belarus to Darfur, North Korea to Zimbabwe, Iran to Cuba and in numerous forgotten corners of the world.

William Hague MP: David Cameron has won the argument over grammar schools

William Hague MP, Shadow Foreign Secretary, argues that the last week has proven David Cameron's determination to provide a better education for all of the nation's children.

When people look back on the Conservative revival under David Cameron, I am sure that this week will be seen as a significant milestone along the way.

The argument about grammar schools, and the firm way in which David Cameron has faced down his critics is, above all else, a measure of the Party’s renewed seriousness about preparing for Government. In the past, the call for more grammar schools was a comfort blanket for Tories, giving us emotional satisfaction while avoiding the hard question of how to raise standards and increase opportunities for all our children.

When David Cameron encouraged David Willetts to re-examine education policy from first principles, it was vital to ask a rather obvious question: if grammar schools are such a sure-fire mechanism for improving Britain’s educational system why didn’t the governments of Margaret Thatcher and John Major reintroduce them?  After all, eighteen years in government is an awfully long time to sit on a great idea.

The reason isn’t hard to find when you look for it.  Grammar schools can only ever help a minority.  For those pupils talented enough to get into them, grammars can provide a first class academic education and in the small number of areas of Britain where they still exist there is no doubt that they are well-regarded.  However, dividing everyone into separate schools at the age of 11 on the basis of a single test seems an imperfect mechanism for getting the best out of every child.

William Hague MP and Andrew Mitchell MP on Darfur: The World Watches, Weeps... and Dithers

William Hague, Shadow Foreign Secretary, and Andrew Mitchell, Shadow International Development Secretary, recently visited the Darfur region of Sudan.  They reflect on their visit in this exclusive article for ConservativeHome.com.

“We send our grandmothers to collect the firewood. We know they will be beaten. But we have no choice – if we send our men, they will kill them. If we send our women or our girls, they will rape them.”

A despairing resident of Abu Shouk displaced person’s camp in Northern Darfur described to us the danger of venturing beyond the relative safety of the camp. She explained how her community faces attack from the mounted Janjaweed militia - and the cruel choices that she is forced to make every day.

This Monday we visited two camps near the dusty town of El Fasher, and heard first-hand accounts of the violence and intimidation suffered by the people living there. We spoke to newcomers to the compound, who had been driven from their land near Shafiyee in just the last few days. The villagers were clear in their minds: the Janjaweed that forced them from their land had been armed, abetted and encouraged by their own government. Aid workers told us that despite assurances from Khartoum, the situation on the ground - especially in Western and Southern Darfur – is worsening. While the world watches, weeps and dithers, ethnic cleansing is continuing.

The international community’s strategy for dealing with the crisis in Darfur has never been anything other than anaemic. The deployment of the African Union force in 2004 left the task of protecting the civilians of a region the size of France to 7,000 peacekeepers who are seriously under-equipped and overstretched, and who lack the mandate to do anything other than monitor the country's tenuous cease-fire. The implication was that their presence alone would prevent further violence. Meanwhile the political process has been caught in limbo between warring factions not interested in peace, a government wishing to ward off foreign involvement, and an international community hoping for the best.
Today different agencies estimate that between 180,000 and 300,000 have died in the Darfur region and more than 1.8 million people have been displaced from their homes. Some 200,000 refugees are estimated to have fled westward into neighbouring Chad, while the majority remain trapped in camps in Darfur.

In the context of such suffering, and the blatant and immediate need for humanitarian help on a massive scale, the decision by the Government of Sudan to bar UN Humanitarian Relief Coordinator Jan Egeland from Darfur is as perverse as it is deplorable. It is not, however atypical. The Government appears to pursue a systematic policy of making life difficult for the NGOs and international organisations working to help the people of Darfur. Visa applications for humanitarian workers take weeks to process. Access to essential fuel is limited. Movement between regions is impeded. The obstruction and harassment is subtle but immensely insidious, and seriously affects the ability of the aid agencies to do their job. Such difficulties underline the heroism of the aid workers we met, many from British organisations such as Oxfam and Christian Aid, who are delivering essential services and saving lives in a dangerous and hostile environment. 

The diplomatic, military and humanitarian assistance provided by the international community has managed to stem but not stop the ethnic cleansing, persecution and violence. Some progress has been made: compared with a year ago, casualty rates in Darfur have fallen and humanitarian assistance is reaching displaced peoples with greater consistency. Yet millions of Sudanese still live under the constant threat of violence, hunger and disease; and killings, rapes and other abuses of human rights in Darfur continue to threaten the peace in Sudan as a whole. And we were repeatedly warned that a new crisis is just around the corner – a result of reduced aid funding, restricted access to many camps, and renewed fighting between rival rebel groups, the Government of Sudan, and the Janjaweed militia.   

The Sudanese government is making little effort to stabilise the region, rein in militias or protect civilians. Indeed it seems that it continues to provide military support to the militia scourging Darfur.

On the political level no significant progress has been made in advancing the peace talks in Abuja. Three years after they started a seventh round of peace talks is no closer to ending the war in Darfur. Jack Straw was right to deliver a forceful message to both the Government and the rebels in February. Such pressure should be maintained.

Unfortunately however, international diplomatic initiatives intended to decisively influence Khartoum continue to be thwarted by other countries more interested in pursuing their economic or political advantage than in promoting human rights. Sudan’s status as an Islamic government, oil exporter and a significant importer of arms has proven to be a successful deterrent against any united international action.

The need for security, an inclusive political settlement and an end to impunity

While the Darfur crisis is complex, it was not unexpected, and it is certainly not hopeless. It has unfolded gradually, providing plenty of opportunities for decisive action by the international community. And although many nations have responded, the resolve and unity of the international community have not been commensurate with the seriousness of the crisis. Our strategy for dealing with Darfur is in need of urgent resuscitation. A lasting solution to the Darfur conflict can only come of a strategy that delivers three outcomes:  security, an inclusive political settlement and an end to impunity.

Security on the ground is paramount. The people we met in the camps are Sudanese citizens on Sudanese soil. The Government in Khartoum has systematically rejected its basic responsibility to guarantee their security and meet their humanitarian needs. It is therefore little wonder that the people we spoke to made it clear that they would not feel safe enough to return to their homes until the arrival of an international force with the mandate, capacity and political will to keep the peace. The only practical way to guarantee this is through the UN. The African Union has made a reasonable start. But it clearly lacks the expertise and experience to do the job properly. It should be transformed as soon as possible into a UN-led operation with a beefed-up Chapter Six mandate, backed by extensive logistical help - including air support as necessary- from NATO. Any handover will take at least six months. In the interim, the AU forces should be fully funded, and if possible expanded.

The only way to guarantee security in the long term is through a meaningful ceasefire, observed by both the Government and the rebels. This is a pre-condition of an inclusive political settlement that would address the grievances of all groups in Darfur.

Members of the Government operate in a culture of impunity. This must be challenged. Asset and travel sanctions against individuals responsible for planning and assisting ethnic cleansing in Darfur should be robustly applied. We should insist on Sudan’s cooperation with the special investigations of the International Criminal Court in Darfur in accordance with UN resolution 1593.

If the much-vaunted responsibility to protect, so enthusiastically embraced by the international community last year is to mean anything, we must take decisive action in Darfur. Ethnic cleansing is happening before the eyes of the international community. At the main airport used by the AU forces, we saw Sudanese Government helicopters that, we were told, were being used in attacks. In future years, when we look back at the terrible crimes that were committed in Darfur, we may be able to find excuses and explanations for failing to take sufficient action. But we will certainly not be able to plead ignorance.

Related links: The new website of the Conservative Human Rights group, David Cameron answers ConservativeHome.com's leadership contest question on Darfur and these blogs: Coalition for Darfur, the Darfur blog and The Passion of the Present.