Big business conservatives overlook the diversity, ingenuity and democratic importance of small, upstart businesses, media outlets and charities in favour of cosy links with establishment businesses, broadcasters and voluntary organisations.
Conservatism is often at its worst when it becomes too close to big business, big media and big charities.
Conservatism is at its best when it recognises that small is usually beautiful.
The favouring of small over big is a rule - to which there are good exceptions. The following three examples of 'the superiority of small' illustrate the general rule, however:
Big business versus small business
Innovative small businesses have been creating most of the British economy's new jobs for many years. Small businesses are often family-run with strong local character. Big businesses, in contrast, do not always have the same interests as smaller businesses. Big business can, for example, often afford to absorb the cost of government regulations and it will accept them - up to a point - if those regulations are prohibitively burdensome for smaller businesses that might otherwise challenge their market position. Big business uses regulation as, to use the jargon of economists, a 'barrier to entry'. Big businesses are therefore more tolerant of weak competition policies or regulations that young, hungrier enterprises cannot afford.
Big media versus new media
For many years the BBC and its ‘red corner questioning’ have dominated British broadcasting. Although its production standards are invariably excellent this bias should be of real concern to conservatives. Also of concern to conservatives should be the way big media crowds out competition. The BBC's expansion of digital channels - and, particularly, the specialist provision of services on the arts and for Asian people - has been accused of bankrupting independent providers. This matters if we oppose gray diversity and want to build a freedom-supporting conservative infrastructure.
Big charities versus free charities
Big charities often think like big government. This 'same thinking' (or groupthink) problem occurs for two main reasons. First, there is a recycling of employees between charities, quangos and local and national government. It also occurs because the establishment voluntary sector gets an increasing proportion of its funding from the state. With funding comes strings and an attempt by politicians to impose their worldview on charities. Drugs and sex education charities must endorse the prevailing harm reduction approaches, therefore. Abstinence programmes are frozen out of the funding fold. Relationship counselling projects don't get money if they insist on promoting traditional family values. The alternative to the monochrome voluntary sector dominated by close-to-government charities is the emergence of a diverse and independent charitable sector - made up of free charities.
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