The European Parliament begins work this week after the summer break. It’s perhaps worth pointing out that MEPs have a much shorter holiday than MPs at Westminster. If I was seeking to provoke I would say, tongue-in-cheek, that this is because MEPs have more of a legislative and constituency burden than MPs as there is one MP for every 700,000 people. But I don’t want to divert this piece away from its primary purpose – to look ahead to the new legislature now that Conservative MEPs are part of the new European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR). Of course, the ECR very nearly died a death before its creation. After so much hard work by Mark Francois and Geoffrey Van Orden to get the project off the ground, it was immediately put into jeopardy by the unfortunate antics of Edward McMillan-Scott. I don’t intend to rake over too much old ground here, because it has been covered extensively by Tim and others on this site. I would simply say, however, that this episode caused a great deal of anger in the Tory delegation and a great deal of incomprehension among the new batch of MEPs. Like those of us who served in the last legislature, they had expected the post-election period to be a time of unity and purpose because we had finally settled the EPP question and had all pledged to make this new group work whatever our individual opinions about leaving the EPP-ED. I believe the friction caused by this regrettable business has now dissipated and that our allies in the ECR can see it for what it was. In any case, it is absolutely essential not to dwell on the past because the forthcoming legislature will be crucial in terms of enabling Conservative MEPs to articulate their message of reform and restructuring of the European Union. The ECR is the only mainstream parliamentary vehicle through which to seek to achieve that wholesale change. Now that the group is a reality there is a definite sense of excitement among Tory MEPs about the future. We may not be leading the group, which had been anticipated in the carefully negotiated package between national party leaders, but we are the largest delegation by some way and therefore the most influential. Significant numbers of Tory MEPs also hold key committee positions, allowing them to shape the development of EU legislation in their particular areas of expertise.
In addition the British Conservatives have traditionally always commanded the highest respect in the parliament from MEPs and officials alike because of our unique parliamentary British tradition of open-spirited debate, hard work and reliability. Our delegation also benefits from both professionalism and continuity because we have a cadre of MEPs who have been around a long time and enjoy natural seniority and experience. Sometimes, however – as we have seen – this can unfortunately give rise to a sense of entitlement, which neglects our duty to party and country. Turning to business on the agenda, the second Irish referendum on the Lisbon treaty in a few weeks’ time will be the first major event of the new parliament. A second rejection of the treaty would raise inevitable questions about the future of Ireland in the EU – I can’t imagine that the EU, on past form, would let matters rest there, to borrow William Hague’s constructively ambiguous phrase. A ‘no’ vote would also be heaven-sent for David Cameron because it would buy him time ahead of next year’s election and would, in all probability, give him the chance if he becomes prime minister to put the matter to the British people in a referendum. The EU, equally mindful of a likely Tory victory by the middle of next year, may seek some other emergency measure to push through the treaty before mid-2010 by in particular by exerting pressure on the Czechs and Poles to sign the treaty, because while Ireland can be browbeaten and coerced quite easily on account of its size and influence, the UK is another proposition entirely. Of course, if the result is ‘yes’ in Ireland (as current opinion polls, no matter how unreliable, seem to suggest) the EU will barely pause for breath before implementing the various aspects of the Lisbon treaty, some of which like the Charter of Fundamental Rights have begun to be implemented already. But approval of the treaty by Ireland would undoubtedly give David Cameron much to consider, especially given that the Irish result will be announced as the Conservative conference gets underway. As this scenario unfolds we should expect some further clarification from the Tory leadership as to what approach it intends to take in government with regard to the treaty. As mentioned, it’s perhaps interesting to note that President Kaczynski of Poland and President Klaus of the Czech Republic have both so far not signed the Lisbon treaty into law. Kaczynski’s party, PiS, and Klaus’s former party, ODS, are our allies in the ECR. Will Cameron look to them for help in his efforts to halt the Lisbon treaty? Finally, it’s worth adding that the influx of women Tory MEPs following the European election has added a new depth to the Conservative delegation. The new and talented members have already begun to make their mark and seek out opportunities to contribute. It would appear that David Cameron’s one-off controversial decision to promote women candidates at the European election will have very positive political effects on our work in Brussels.
