The Telegraph has reported that Ken Clarke is already launching broadsides against Cameron's European policy. The paper quotes Clarke as saying Obama "doesn't want his strongest European ally led by a rightwing nationalist, he wants them to be a key player inside Europe, and he'll start looking at whoever is in Germany or France if we start being isolationist." It then goes on to to quote Europe Minister Caroline Flint, who states: "It's a straightforward test for David Cameron: give up your policy on Europe, as Ken Clarke says, or give up the special relationship."
There can be no doubt that the Obama administration will be more aggressively pro-European than the Bush Administration, and will more forcefully back further European integration. It is ludicrous to say however that Conservatives should support this approach or that British influence in Washington will be eroded if a Conservative government rejects the Euro, the Reform Treaty and other trappings of an EU superstate.
Both Clarke and his new found ally Flint are sending the wrong message when it comes to the United States and Europe, and neither are speaking with expertise on U.S. foreign policy. In fact it is highly unlikely that anyone in Obama's inner circle has heard of either of them.
In reality, a United Kingdom whose foreign, defence and economic policy is submerged within the EU will have far less influence in Washington. Britain's ability to act alongside the United States on the world stage as a sovereign nation will be dramatically reduced if she hands over further powers to Brussels. Indeed the biggest casualty of a unified EU foreign and defence policy would be the Anglo-American Special Relationship.
The Telegraph report confirms that the Labour government will seek to muddy the waters when it comes to relations between the new U.S. Administration and British Conservative leaders. For years, Labour has had a free hand in Washington, with high level access to the upper echelons of power in the United States.
Conservatives will need to be more pro-active in shaping thinking in the White House, especially on Europe, and less willing to cede ground to Labour ministers, who will push a pro-EU agenda at every opportunity. Cameron should send the message to Washington that a future Conservative administration will defend the principle of Brtish sovereignty, and make the case clearly why this is also in America's national interest.
