Greg Clark MP: Labour turns to charity for funds

Clark_greg_2 Greg Clark MP is Shadow Minister for Charities.

On Friday the Charity Commission revealed that the Labour Party accepted £15,000 in political donations from a charity devoted to running breakfast and after-school clubs for underprivileged children (see here).

Taking money from a children's charity marks a new low in the depths to which Labour's increasingly desperate search for funds has descended.  It is illegal for charities to make donations to political parties.  As a result of the Charity Commission's inquiry, Labour has had to repay the £15,000 it accepted from the charity concerned, Catz Club.

Two fundamental questions arise: how could Labour think it was acceptable to take money from a charity, and, why did the charity consider it appropriate to donate money to Labour? The answers to these questions are highly revealing of the culture that now pervades Labour's relationship with the outside world.

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Greg Clark MP: Why a Conservative government will be different

Agovtworthhaving Completing our series of five essays on 'A Government Worth Having', Greg Clark MP, Shadow Minister for the Cabinet Office, writes about the three policy realignments at the foundation of the Conservative Party's social agenda.  He also discusses his own agenda of voluntary sector reform.

New Labour took office with huge advantages: a charismatic leader, a three figure majority, a golden economic legacy. With so much capital – both political and financial – no Government has ever had so big an opportunity to change Britain for the better.

But they blew it.

Money, time and luck all have a habit of running out. And when they do, there’s no disguising what’s been wasted. The British people are waking up to the waste of the Labour years – and it’s this growing sense of disgust with the opportunities squandered, as much as deepening fears for the future, that has destroyed Gordon Brown’s reputation.

And it is Gordon Brown who is principally to blame. He is the one who forced extra spending through unreformed public services, blocking every significant attempt to challenge the old model of top-down state delivery.

Statism did not die with Old Labour. Instead, the objective of a centrally-planned economy was replaced with that of a centrally-planned society. In fact New Labour went much further than Old Labour – micromanaging the people who actually deliver our public services to an unprecedented extent.  Billions have been wasted as a result – but with one valuable outcome: Brown’s way has been tested to destruction and the way is now open for genuine reform. If we do form the next Government, Brown’s economic legacy will be far from golden, but unwittingly he may leave us with something more important: a mandate for change.

THREE POLICY REALIGNMENTS

In previous articles in this series, Michael Gove, Chris Grayling, Nick Herbert and Maria Miller have set out some of the specific reforms that we will champion on education, welfare, crime and the family. Together they contribute to a coherent Conservative agenda for Government, one characterised by three fundamental realignments of social policy.

Firstly, we will treat the root causes of the social problems facing Britain, instead of merely palliating the symptoms. Child poverty provides an example of the urgency of the need for change: On the surface there has been moderate – and now faltering – progress on the headline figures. However, underlying child poverty – the number of children who are either below the poverty line or would be without tax credits – has increased from 2.1 million in 1996/97 to over 3 million in 2005/06. It is right that people should be given financial help if they are in poverty, but we should not leave it at that. When a million more children than 10 years ago live in households that are reliant on benefits to avoid being in poverty, we should not delude ourselves that the problem has even begun to be solved.

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Greg Clark MP: Every social problem is being solved by somebody, somewhere

Just interviewed for Radio 4's World at One, David Cameron said that it was time to stop asking 'what can the voluntary sector do?' and instead ask 'what CAN'T the voluntary sector do?'.  The sector has been kept in a box for too long and deserves to be freed from red tape and enjoy more long-term funding.  Only with the freedom to make profits will voluntary sector organisations have the confidence and resources to invest in reproducing models of success across the country.

GregclarkIn this Platform Greg Clark, MP for Tunbridge Wells and Shadow Minister for the Cabinet Office, explains the thinking behind today's major Conservative report on the future of the voluntary sector. Click here to download a PDF of the full paper.

What do you know about the history of Britain’s welfare state? In the highly edited version that most people have lodged somewhere in their minds, it all started during the Second World War with the publication of the Beveridge Report.

What this usually refers to is the first of three major reports, Social Insurance and Allied Services, published in 1942. The second was Full Employment in a Free Society, published in 1944. Together, these made a major contribution to the post-war settlement.

The third report, however, was all but ignored. Published in 1948, Voluntary Action was a warning against monolithic statism – all the more powerful for coming from the man regarded as the father of the welfare state:

“In a totalitarian society all action outside the citizen’s home, and it may be much that goes on there, is directed or controlled by the State. By contrast, vigour and abundance of Voluntary Action outside one’s home, individually and in association with other citizens, for bettering one’s own life and that of one’s fellows, are the distinguishing marks of a free society. They have been outstanding features of British life.”

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Greg Clark MP: Right to roam

Greg_clark_mp Greg Clark MP explains the reasoning behind a Bill he has launched this week urging mobile phone companies to share masts and to allow users to 'roam'.

Think back to your last holiday overseas. The chances are that you took your mobile phone with you. Can you remember the number of times you went out of range of coverage? In fact, you probably never went out of range at all – but instead were seamlessly transferred from one network to another, depending on which had the strongest signal. A process everyone knows is called ‘roaming’.

Think back to your last journey around Britain. How many times during a train or car journey outside London did a conversation you tried to have on a mobile phone get cut off because the signal failed? Last Friday in the course of travelling the 15 miles between Tunbridge Wells and the county town of Maidstone – both within 40 miles of London – I passed through 5 separate areas of no network coverage.

The reason? Mobile phone companies do not allow roaming within the UK and do not share their masts with each other. What is automatic for people on holiday is blocked when they’re at home.

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Greg Clark MP and Jeremy Hunt MP: Conservatives are today's progressives

Shadow Cabinet Office minister Greg Clark MP and Shadow Culture Secretary Jeremy Hunt MP summarise the arguments of their new paper: 'Who's progressive now?'

ConservativeHome warmly welcomes this publication.  Principle one of our manifesto is the idea that the centre right is now the home of progressive politics.  Earlier this year we editorialised in favour of a greater emphasis on the issues that Dr Clark and Mr Hunt now champion so eloquently.

Download a PDF of the paper here.

Clarkhunt For too long, Conservatives have allowed our values to be denigrated by our opponents.   Too often we have not challenged the Left's assumption that its motives are more noble than our own.  Nowhere is this more apparent than the use of the word 'progressive', which has become a synonym for left-of-centre values.

Yet throughout the history of British politics, the Conservative Party has regularly been the progressive party – the party of reform, the party that confronted vested interests and championed the disempowered, the party that was oriented towards the future rather than to yearning for the past, the party that was impatient rather than complacent, the party that was ambitious for what it could achieve for the country, rather than defensive in its management of decline.

In our pamphlet we describe six dimensions that, taken together, convey the essence of progressive politics:

  • an idealism that the world can be a better place in the future than it is today
  • a suspicion of uniformity and a respect for diversity
  • an active concern for position of the least fortunate
  • an antipathy to unmerited hierarchies
  • a concern for non-material as well as financial goals 
  • a sense of responsibility for the future, including the notion that we have duties beyond our own lifespan

Far from belonging to the Left, these progressive principles are a virtual statement of the values that are driving the Conservative Party.

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Greg Clark MP: Poverty is too important an issue to leave to the Labour Party

Clark_greg_5 Greg Clark MP was recently appointed Shadow Minister for Charities, Voluntary Bodies and Social Enterprise in the Department for Communities and Local Government team.  His article below emerges from his chairmanship of the economy and welfare working group of the Social Justice Policy Group.

Iain Duncan Smith has been rightly praised for his pioneering work with the Centre for Social Justice – and the Social Justice Policy Group, on which I have been privileged to serve. In his time as leader, and ever since, his commitment to the poor has been an inspiration.

It was as leader that he spoke out on poverty, challenging those who say that it is a thing of the past:

“…there are those who say that poverty in Britain simply does not exist. But it does. Many people do not enjoy the opportunities and freedoms that most of us take for granted. I think of children growing up in homes where it’s still hard to make ends meet…poverty is real today for those children.”

With those words, IDS overturned the Conservative orthodoxy of the 1980s, most famously set out in John Moore’s 1989 speech, The end of the line for poverty.

Moore’s argument was that absolute poverty had declined to the point at which it had virtually disappeared. Certainly, it was the case that absolute poverty – meaning poverty defined against a fixed income line adjusted only for inflation – declined in the 1980s. However, relative poverty – meaning poverty defined as a given percentage of contemporary average income for the whole population – did rise during the 1980s.

In other words, the gap between the people at the bottom of income scale and the middle of the income scale grew. But is this poverty?

If you think that poverty is about more than hunger and homelessness, then, yes, it is. If our fellow citizens are excluded from the everyday basics of a mainstream lifestyle by their economic circumstances then they are poor by contemporary standards.

This is not a new idea. Nor is it one alien to Conservative thought. On the contrary, the idea of a truly united kingdom is integral to the entire Conservative tradition, and stretches all the way back to Adam Smith. It was Smith who defined what we now call relative poverty and social exclusion in his Wealth of Nations:

“By necessaries I understand not only the commodities which are indispensably necessary for the support of life, but whatever the custom of the country renders it indecent for creditable people, even of the lowest order, to be without.”

By way of an example, he spoke of a linen shirt, which he said was not, strictly speaking, a necessary of life:

“...the Greeks and Romans lived, I suppose, very comfortably though they had no linen. But in the present times, through the greater part of Europe, a creditable day labourer would be ashamed to appear in public without a linen shirt, the want of which would be supposed to denote that disgraceful degree of poverty which, it is presumed, nobody can fall into without extreme bad conduct.”

Adam Smith understood that society’s measure of what constitutes poverty has to move with the times. If it doesn’t, then people will be left behind.

One can picture our nation as a convoy crossing the desert. Everyone may be moving forward, but if the distance between those right at the back and rest of the convoy keeps growing there comes a point at which it breaks up.

This is an image I’ve borrowed from a book by the Guardian columnist Polly Toynbee. I realise that this might be scene as unusual point of reference for a Conservative MP, but I make no apology for wanting a society that holds together or for believing in a Britain that remains united.

This is something that the Conservative Party as a whole must make crystal clear. Ignoring the reality of relative poverty was a terrible mistake. It allowed the Left to dominate the poverty debate for a generation and to copyright the issue of social exclusion. This was an absurd position for us to be in, Disraeli’s idea of One Nation is nothing if not a determination that no part of society should be alienated from the whole – in other words, socially excluded. In short, poverty is too important an issue to leave to the Labour Party and overcoming social exclusion is an essential ambition for a Conservative Government.

What’s more, we need to hold the current Government to account. In researching the Social Justice Policy Group’s report on economic poverty and dependency it was apparent that New Labour has systematically exaggerated its achievements in this area. Most dramatically, we found that the Government has reduced child poverty by targeting households just below the official poverty line of 60% average income. In the same period, there was an actual increase in the number of families a long way below the Government’s poverty line. Among families with children – and compared to the mid-1990s – there are a quarter of million more individuals living in households with less that 40% of average income. Among all households, there are three-quarters-of-a-million more individuals at this deep level of poverty. Furthermore, there’s been no improvement in the duration of poverty for those affected by it.

So for the poorest people in Britain, their relative poverty is deeper than ever and lasts just as long – not something that Ministers are keen to reveal. However, this is not the limit of Labour’s failure. The SJPG report goes on to document multiple flaws in the Government’s anti-poverty strategy, so many that the entire policy can only be seen as a dead end for the poor. A new way forward is desperately needed, one which the Conservative Party must find in order to present a genuine alternative to Labour.  That is the next stage in the work of the Social Justice Policy Group.

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